Thursday, 14 November 2013

Islam in The Ottoman empire

Islam in The Ottoman empire



The Ottoman Empire was an Islamic polity that originated in early-fourteenth-century Anatolia. Islam had been established in Anatolia before the emergence of the empire, but between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the religion spread with Ottoman conquest to the Balkan Peninsula and central Hungary. This does not mean that the population was uniformly Muslim. In many parts of the Ottoman Empire, most notably in the Balkan Peninsula, Christians formed a majority of the population, and even in areas where Muslims formed a majority there was usually also a minority of non-Muslim inhabitants. Unlike some of the rulers of western Europe, the Ottoman sultans never attempted to impose religious uniformity. Islam was, however, the dominant religion, and the political structure of the empire reflected this fact. The dynasty itself was Muslim and, before the reforms of the nineteenth century, with rare exceptions, non-Muslims could not hold regular political office or military command. Christians and Jews were able to participate in the maintenance of the empire by serving as tax farmers or contractors supplying, for example, cloth for Janissary uniforms or materials to the naval arsenals, but they could not serve as viziers, provincial governors, or army commanders. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a few Christian fief holders in the Balkans retained their positions in the years immediately after the Ottoman conquest but, as their descendants converted to Islam, this phenomenon disappeared within a generation. In the Balkans, too, some Christian groups served as military auxiliaries into the sixteenth century. More important in the dayto-day lives of the sultan's subjects, the system of law courts also reflected the dominant position of Islam. The Christian and Jewish communities maintained their own courts for regulating intracommunal affairs, but only the network of Muslim courts covered the entire empire, and only Muslim courts were open to all the sultan's subjects, irrespective of religion. Any cases involving Muslims or a Muslim and a non-Muslim had to be heard in the Muslim court and, in principle, a non-Muslim could not testify against a Muslim. The exclusion, therefore, of non-Muslims from political office and the supremacy of Islamic law guaranteed the hegemonic position of Islam within the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the imposition of jizya, a poll tax on adult non-Muslim males, and the occasional short-lived imposition of dress restrictions on non-Muslims, symbolized the inferior position of Christians and Jews.
Forms of Islam
By the time of the emergence of the Ottoman Empire in the fourteenth century, Islam was fully formed as a system of belief with its associated intellectual, legal, and cultural attributes. The central concept of the religion was "knowledge," or ˓ilm, meaning specifically the knowledge of God through revelation. God had revealed himself to mankind through the missions of the prophets, among whom Abraham (Ibrahim), the monotheistic founder of the Ka˓ba at Mecca, Moses (Musa), and Jesus (˓Isa) held especially revered positions. The recognition of Abraham, Moses, and Jesus as prophets before the final revelation of Islam justified the tolerated but subordinate positions of Jews and Christians within the Ottoman Empire and other Islamic polities. God's final and most perfect revelation was through the prophet Muhammad, "the Seal of the Prophets." The primary text of revelation is the Koran. This is regarded by Muslims as the literal word of God transmitted to mankind through the medium of the Prophet. The record of the sayings and actions—the hadith—of the Prophet, as an exemplar to mankind, form the second text of the revelation. It is through the Koran and hadith, therefore, that man can know God and, in principle, these form the foundation of knowledge, or ˓ilm.
A seeker after knowledge had first to study Arabic, the language of revelation and the language of science, which acquired a role in the Ottoman Empire and in the Islamic world as the universal language of religion, somewhat similar to the role of Latin in western Christendom. The study of the sacred texts and the sciences in general also required a grounding in logic and rhetoric. With these tools at his disposal, a scholar could embark on any of the specialized branches of ˓ilm, which developed as discrete, though interrelated genres: the interpretation of the Koran (tafsir), the study of hadith, theology (kalam), dogma ( ˓aqa˒id) or law (fiqh). These were the sciences through which one acquired a knowledge of God, and which therefore formed the central curriculum of Ottoman and other Islamic colleges. Subsidiary sciences—for example, the life of the Prophet (sira), history (ta˒rikh), the vitae of saints or scholars by generation (tabaqat)—served to strengthen sectarian or dynastic identity, and all came to form genres of Ottoman literature. Of the sciences, it was the study of law (fiqh) that enjoyed the greatest prestige and made the greatest impact on communal and individual lives. It represented not exactly God's commands to mankind, as these are ultimately unknowable, but the best that humankind can achieve in its efforts to discover God's law. It regulated not only secular affairs, notably in the sphere of family law, but also rituals such as ablution, prayer, fasting, and forbidden foods. The basics of the law, popularized as the "five pillars of Islam"—the profession of faith, prayer five times daily, charity, fasting during Ramadan, and the pilgrimage to Mecca—are something that every Muslim must know. In many respects, therefore, it was the adoption of Islamic law—the shar˓ or shari˓a—that gave Ottoman, and other Islamic societies, their distinctive form.
A person who had studied ˓ilm was an ˓alim ('one who knows [God]') and enjoyed great prestige. The plural of ˓alim is ˓ulama, and the ulema came to form a respected class within all Muslim societies, often, as in the Ottoman Empire, wielding political as well as legal and spiritual power.
˓Ilm was not, however, the only route to knowing God. Already in the early centuries of Islam some claimed to know God through direct revelation, a condition exemplified by the saying of al-Sarraj (d. 988): "There is no ˓ilm that is known and nothing that is understood except what exists in the Book of God, or is transmitted from the Messenger of God, or in what is revealed in the hearts of saints." In order to distinguish the knowledge of God acquired by direct revelation "in the hearts of saints," its adepts, the Sufis, referred to it not as ˓alm, but as ˓urf or ma˒rifa, both words having the sense of "knowledge." This doctrine had revolutionary potential, since a person claiming knowledge via direct divine inspiration could claim to be above the divine law as professed by the ulema. Indeed some Sufis, notably al-Hallaj (d. 909), who reputedly suffered death for declaring "I am God," did emerge, in the Ottoman Empire and elsewhere, as opponents of the religious and political order. What is more remarkable, however, is how tasawwuf, the faith of the Sufis—radically different from the religion of the ulema—came to form a branch of orthodox Islam.
In principle, ˓ilm and ˓urf are antagonistic in their fundamental beliefs. In orthodox belief, God created the world ex nihilo; he revealed himself through his prophets; the world will end with the Resurrection and the Judgment, where individuals will be judged and assigned in eternity to Heaven or Hell. In Sufi belief, all creation was originally one with God. God created mankind and the universe because "He was a hidden treasure and wished that He should be known." Since this separation from the Creator, all Creation has yearned to return to its Maker. The Sufi therefore yearns to be reunited with God, as the lover yearns for union with the beloved. In orthodox Islam, knowledge of God comes through written revelation whose interpretation is the preserve of the ulema. In Sufi belief, knowledge of God is acquired through direct experience, or "taste" of God.
There has at all times been antagonism between some of the orthodox ulema and the Sufis. For example, in the Ottoman Empire of the mid-sixteenth century, the jurist Ibrahim of Aleppo (d. 1549) and the Ottoman chief mufti, Çivizade Mehmed (d. 1542), adopted anti-Sufi positions, while the Sufis for their part conducted a literary polemic against these orthodox opponents. The poet Khayali (d. 1556/57) compared the orthodox ulema who could not recognize that God was in the world around them to "fish who are in the sea, but do not know what the sea is." Nonetheless, opponents of the Sufis remained a minority and tasawwuf in practice became an important strand of mainstream Islam in the Ottoman Empire.
Tasawwuf grew in importance through doctrinal development. In the developed Sufi theory of knowledge, the first rule that a Sufi must follow is obedience to the shari˓a. This precept brought tasawwuf within the bounds of orthodoxy. Second, the spiritual goal of most Sufis was not to declare "I am God," but to seek "annihilation of the self in God": the Sufi's soul became like "a drop of wine in the ocean of God's love." In other words, tasawwuf became quietist rather than activist. At the same time, tasawwuf became institutionalized. Different orders of Sufis formed around the memories of Sufi saints, and these organizations acquired properties and endowments, to preserve which they had to remain acceptable to orthodox Islamic regimes. Finally, the favorable opinions of al-Ghazali (d. 1111), perhaps the most influential Islamic thinker, made tasawwuf acceptable to most orthodox opinion. Some orders, it is true, remained unacceptable. In the Ottoman Empire, an offshoot of the Bayrami order of Sufis, which formed after 1450, adopted the activist belief that God is manifest in the human form, thus putting men—or at least their members—above the dictates of the shari˓a. These Sufis constituted an underground and ineffective, though persecuted, opposition to orthodox Islam and the Ottoman sultanate.
The Political Structure of Ottoman Islam
Although tasawwuf may have been the strongest influence on the beliefs of many, if not most, Ottoman Muslims and permeated Ottoman literature, music, and visual art, it was the Islam of the ulema that was significant in determining the structures of the empire. A few surviving literary fragments suggest that in the fourteenth century, the level of Islamic learning in the Ottoman Empire was very low. Persons wishing for an advanced Islamic education at this period traveled to the old Islamic world, especially to Damascus or Cairo, and it was largely these returning scholars who transferred Islamic doctrine and law to the Ottoman realms and trained the early generations of Ottoman ulema. By the mid-fifteenth century, with the establishment of a system of colleges within the empire and the formation of a learned class, there was no further need for such learning journeys.
The religious colleges (madrasas) attached to mosques throughout the empire, established on the model of the madrasas in the old Islamic world, were the institutions that trained the ulema. The most prestigious colleges were royal foundations, with the Eight Colleges of Mehmed II (1451–1481) and the colleges attached to the mosque of Suleiman I (1520–1566), completed in 1557, enjoying the highest rank, and the foundations of senior statesmen occupying the second tier. Each college was an independent institution with a separate endowment. In the sixteenth century, however, Suleiman I and later Mehmed III (1595–1603) made efforts to formalize the hierarchy of colleges and, to a degree, to control the curriculum, which remained firmly based on the medieval Islamic classics. By the seventeenth century there seems to have been a well-recognized hierarchy, based on the wealth of the endowment and the level of the curriculum. From the late seventeenth century, when the empire began to lose territories, some colleges suffered as the lands that provided their endowments passed into foreign hands.
It was the colleges that maintained the level of Islamic learning in the empire. A graduate might find a position as imam in an important mosque; he might stay in the system as a teacher (mudarris); or he might choose a career as a judge (qadi). However, if he opted for a legal career immediately on graduating, he would, at least between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, find his career confined to the judgeships of small towns. Judgeships of the great cities, especially of Istanbul, Edirne, and Bursa, were reserved for mudarrises from the Eight Colleges or other high-ranking madrasas. Furthermore, between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries, a few ulema families monopolized these prestigious teaching positions and judgeships. It was also from the judges of the great cities that the sultan chose the two military judges (kadiaskers), the senior judges of the empire, who sat on the Imperial Council. Below the level of the great cities, however, most of the judges and religious officials tended to be local men, who from the sixteenth century would normally have received part of their education in Istanbul.
The judges, at all levels, administered Islamic law, and in continuing to exercise this function at all times, including times of crisis, they played the major role in ensuring the stability and continuity of Ottoman government. Of the four schools of law within Sunni Islam—the Shafi˓i, Maliki, Hanbali, and Hanafi—the Ottomans adopted the Hanafi school, presumably because this is the school that was already established in pre-Ottoman Anatolia. As the Hanafi jurists typically offer more than one acceptable solution to each legal problem, the Hanafi was perhaps the most flexible of the schools and, for this reason, the most suitable to form the basis of a working legal system. After their formative period in the early Islamic centuries, the four schools remained mutually exclusive. According to Hanafi theorists, for example, a person could have recourse to a Shafi˓i judge only in the two cases for which the Hanafi school offered no solution: the dissolution of an oath or when a deserted wife seeks a dissolution of marriage. The Ottomans endorsed this exclusivity, although among the general population in the Arab lands there was some movement between schools.
Judges in the Ottoman Empire as elsewhere put the law into effect by virtue of the delegation to them of sultanic power. Above the judges stood the muftis. A mufti is a religious authority with the competence to issue fatwas, authoritative opinions on any religious-legal problems that questioners may ask. A fatwa is not an executive command: it requires a judge's or sovereign's decree to put it into effect. It also differs from a judge's decree, in that the judge's decree is valid only for the case in hand, while the fatwa has a universal validity. Ottoman fatwas reflect this understanding by reformulating each question so as to conceal the identity of the questioner, even if the questioner was the sultan himself, to remove specific details of the case such as time, locality, or personal identities, and to eliminate details not relevant to the case in question. Between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, Ottoman fatwas in their content, format, and anonymity came increasingly to resemble the classical juristic texts which were the source of their authority.
The mufti in theory remained above and apart from the secular power, a concept embodied from the sixteenth century in Ottoman ceremonial, where the sultan stands in the presence of the chief mufti. His authority derived from his role as interpreter of the Holy Law in its application to mundane realities, including the realities of political power. In much of the Islamic world, muftis acquired their role through public recognition rather than official appointment, and really did stand apart from the secular power. In the Ottoman Empire, however, the muftis were effectively part of the government. The chief mufti, or sheikh al-islam as he came to be known by the seventeenth century, was the senior figure in the religious-legal establishment, and usually achieved the position by serving first as a senior judge and then as a military judge; like these offices, the chief muftiship after the mid-sixteenth century came to be the preserve of a very few ulema families. The chief mufti owed his exalted position partly to the Islamic view that accorded greater dignity to muftis than to judges, but also to the prestige of two sixteenth-century holders of the office, Kemal Pashazade (1525–1534) and Ebu˒s-su˓ud Mehmed (1545–1574). Ebu˒s-su˓ud in particular systematized the chief mufti's major function of issuing fatwas, ensuring that his office was able to undertake a great volume of work to a high standard. The system that he established remained in its essentials intact until the end of the empire. The chief mufti came to have an important, if informal, role in the Ottoman government. Outside the capital, muftis were sometimes official appointees, but did not enjoy high status of the chief mufti, and their function could often be fulfilled by the mudarris of a local college.
Tasawwuf in the Ottoman Empire
By the time of the establishment of the Ottoman Empire, tasawwuf was well established in the Islamic world and accepted, within limits, as a form of orthodox Islam. Groups of Sufis had established and continued to establish their own orders (tariqas) throughout the Islamic world, each with its own saints and distinctive beliefs and rituals. Many of the orders that originated outside the empire found disciples in Ottoman territories. For example, the Khalveti order, named after the eponymous saint ˓Umar al-Khalwati, originated in late-fourteenth-century Azerbaijan. During the fifteenth century the disciples of the Khalveti sheikh Yahya al-Shirvani (d. c. 1463) brought the order to Anatolia. When he was governor of Amasya, the future sultan Bayezid II (1480–1512) was initiated as a Khalveti and established the order in Istanbul after he became sultan. Later, Murad III (1574–1595) was also initiated. Other orders originated within the Ottoman Empire itself. For example, the Bayrami order was the creation of Hajji Bayram (d. 1429/30), who established the fraternity originally among the craftsmen of Ankara. His successor Ak Shemseddin (d. 1459) became a spiritual mentor to Mehmed II.
Once established, Sufi orders sometimes split into smaller groups, the Khalvetis, for example, giving birth to ten or more subgroups during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Bayramis, too, split into two groups after 1450, the orthodox group following Ak Shemseddin, the "heretical" group, the Melamis, coming under the leadership of ˓Ömer the Cutler (d. 1475/6). This group became particularly active in Bosnia. By the late seventeenth century, however, the Melamis had reemerged as an orthodox order, although distinct from the original Bayramis. Conversely, different groups could merge. The Bektashi order, which took its name from a fourteenth century saint, Hajji Bektash, formed as a coherent order under the leadership of Balim Sultan about 1500, and absorbed and syncretized a wide range of Sufi and other popular beliefs. The Bektashis became particularly well established in Albania.
Many Muslims in the Ottoman Empire belonged to a Sufi order, giving these an essential role not only in disseminating popular faith but also in establishing networks and social solidarity among members. In some orders membership included women, giving them a role not available in orthodox Islam. The orders could also acquire charitable functions, the rural lodges of the Bektashis, for example, providing accommodation for travelers. Above all, they influenced the cultural life of the empire. Each order had its own liturgy and ceremonies, usually involving music, recitation, singing, and sometimes dancing, and to preserve their traditions the orders had to train adepts in these arts, many of whom acquired fame beyond the confines of the organization. The Mevlevi order—the socalled whirling dervishes—had a particular educational role. The sacred text of the order, the lengthy mystical poem known as the Mesnevi, by its eponymous saint, Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi (d. 1273), is written in Persian, a language that Mevlevis therefore had to learn. Since Persian was not taught in Ottoman madrasas, it was above all the Mevlevi lodges that provided instruction and were instrumental in maintaining the enormous prestige of Persian culture in the Ottoman Empire. They also acted as musical and literary academies. The most celebrated Ottoman composers and many Ottoman poets from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century were Mevlevis. While the Mevlevi order was a repository of Ottoman high culture, the Bektashis played a similar role in transmitting popular culture, for example in preserving and adding to the corpus of Turkish religious poetry attributed to the semi-mythical Sufi of the thirteenth or fourteenth century, Yunus Emre.
Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy
Although tasawwuf had an intellectual tradition and a structure of "knowledge" that imitated ˓ilm, its primary appeal was aesthetic rather than intellectual. The liturgies of the orders, which aimed to produce a state of ecstasy in participants as they "became drunk with the wine of God's love," offered a religious and theatrical experience that was not available in the impressive but austere ceremonies in the mosques. What was equally important is that the orders, and particularly those with a popular following, institutionalized popular piety, with its appetite for saints and miracles. The hagiographies of Sufi saints, such as Enisi's early sixteenth-century vita of the Bayrami Ak Shemseddin, formed a branch of popular literature that provided entertainment, edification, and a focal point for people's loyalties as adherents to a particular Sufi order. At the same time the shrines of saints, whether or not they had an association with a particular order, became sites of pilgrimage, offering cures for diseases or other of life's problems. It was at this level that beliefs of Ottoman Muslims and Christians often became indistinguishable, with formerly Christian shrines, such as the Sufi lodge at Seyyid Gazi in Anatolia, becoming sites of Muslim veneration. Other sites attracted both Muslim and Christian pilgrims. An example of this was the shrine of St. George on the island of Levitha near Patmos, which became a site of Greek Orthodox, Catholic, and Muslim pilgrimages, St. George also acquiring the Turkish name Koç Baba.
Popular practices, notably visiting saints' tombs and the liturgical use of music and dancing, always aroused the opposition of a section of the ulema. Hostility to these practices became particularly intense in mid-seventeenth-century Istanbul, when Mehmed Kadizade (d. 1635) and his followers, disciples of the fundamentalist scholar Mehmed of Birgi (d. 1575), preached against them in public, attacking in particular the rituals of the Khalvetis. Such attacks, however, never had a lasting effect, and most of the many fatwas issued on the subject of the Sufi orders are in fact tolerant of their practices, the higher ulema on the whole espousing a latitudinarian understanding of Islam. The affiliation of several sultans and many members of the political elite with the orders ensured that, in general, they enjoyed political protection. Furthermore, popular belief was ineradicable, and permeated even the sultan's palace. As examples of this, the sultans provided employment for makers of talismans, and in 1640, the advice writer Kochi Bey urged the new sultan Ibrahim I (1640–1648) to carefully preserve a loaf of bread whose grain revealed the name Allah.
Nonetheless, despite the latitude of tolerated belief and practice, an official definition of heresy did emerge and became a matter of concern especially during the sixteenth century. This development was closely linked to the claims of the Ottoman dynasty, which drew on Islamic themes to legitimize its rule. Until about 1500, these legitimizing elements came primarily from folk religion. Through dreams, God had promised sovereignty to the first sultan Osman and his father; the dynasty had gained a spiritual descent from Osman's marriage to the daughter of a saint; saints led the sultan's warriors in battle. In the sixteenth century, however, the dynasty came to derive its legitimacy from orthodox Islamic tradition. This was partly a consequence of the increasing influence of classically trained ulema in the empire, but partly also a consequence of external events. In 1516/17, the conquest of the Mamluk empire made Selim I (1512–1520) and his successors lords of Mecca and Medina, the holy cities of Islam. This gave the Ottoman sultan the prestigious title of "Servitor of the Two Holy Places," and also the responsibility for the safety of the pilgrimage routes to Mecca. He could now, as the upholder of the religion, claim primacy among Islamic sovereigns. At the same time, the rise to power in Iran of the Safavid dynasty, which claimed spiritual power as leaders of the Safavid Sufi order, and whose Shi˓ism contrasted with the Sunnism of the Ottomans, presented a religious and political threat to the Ottoman Empire, especially since the Safavids found many adherents to their order among the sultan's subjects in Anatolia. The Ottomans countered Safavid propaganda by declaring the Safavids and their followers to be worse than infidels, and by presenting the Ottoman dynasty as the only defenders of Sunni Islam against this mortal danger. By the mid-century, Suleiman I was declaring himself to be "the one who makes smooth the path for the precepts of the shari˓a" and the one "who makes manifest the Exalted Word of God" and who "expounds the signs of the luminous shari˓a." He was also the first Ottoman sultan to assume the title of caliph, implying the leadership of the entire Islamic world. With these developments the dynasty identified itself so closely with orthodox Sunni Islam that disloyalty to one implied disloyalty to the other.
It was particularly during Suleiman's reign, and partly as a result of his claim to be the defender of the faith, that heresy acquired a clear definition. In identifying heresy, the ulema were not concerned with a person's inner belief or private actions. These are matters between the individual and God. Their concern was with stated belief, certain tenets of the Holy Law or Sunni dogma providing the test. If, for example, a Sufi declared that the ceremonies of his order constituted an act of worship (˓ibada), a term which in the shari˓a refers only to the obligatory purification, prayer, fasting, and alms-giving, then he was a heretic, because in claiming the ceremonies to be "obligatory" he was claiming an authority in prescribing ritual that only the shari˓a possessed. It was this test that the sultan used to execute the Melami Oğlan Şeyh and his followers in 1528. Provided, however, the Sufi did not declare his practices to be an act of worship, he remained within the bounds of orthodoxy. Since the shari˓a forbids Muslims to drink wine, if a Muslim declares wine to be licit, he has abjured the shari˓a, and become liable to death. If, however, he drinks wine without believing it to be licit he is not a heretic. In Ottoman religious "trials" the key to identifying heresy was the accused's statements on what is canonically forbidden, permitted, and obligatory. A heretic was someone whose stated beliefs did not conform with the shari˓a. However, in the more merciless pursuit of Safavid sympathizers within the Ottoman realms a key indicator was whether or not the accused cursed the Orthodox caliphs, the denunciation of the first three successors to the prophet Muhammad being a tenet in Shi˓ite belief. Public behavior could also indicate heresy. It was for this reason that Suleiman I decreed in 1537 that the authorities should build mosques in all villages that lacked one and note who failed to attend the obligatory congregational prayers. In this way the sultan not only enforced Sunni ritual, in his capacity as protector of the faith, but could also, by their refusal to perform obligatory prayers, identify heretics. Since by this time the sultan identified his own legitimacy with Sunni orthodoxy, disavowal of the commands of the shari˓a was also identified as an act of rebellion against the dynasty.
In practice, therefore, the definition of heresy served to identify political opponents of the dynasty, and with changing political circumstances certain heretical beliefs became more acceptable. The persecution of Ottoman Shi˓ites, for example, seems to have stopped when, from the mid-seventeenth century, the Safavids of Iran no longer presented a political and ideological danger. Furthermore, since the Ottoman government demanded of Muslims no more than verbal adherence to certain tenets of the shari˓a and the outward performance of its obligatory rituals, and did not examine inward faith, a huge variety of beliefs and practices were able to flourish unmolested within Ottoman Islam.
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—COLIN IMBER

Dakwah dan Jihad Ahli Tasawuf

Dakwah dan Jihad Ahli Tasawuf

Sejarah membuktikan Ahli Tasawuf memainkan peranan penting di dalam usaha menegak dan mempertahankan agama Allah. Mereka bukanlah hanya menghabiskan masa dengan berzikir, tidak bergaul dengan masyarakat dan tidak mengendahkan suasana di sekelilingnya. Sebaliknya mereka turut mengambil bahagian yang serius di dalam dakwah dan jihad, malah memberikan sumbangan yang besar dalam perjuangan umat Islam atau dalam jihad menentang kuffar di medan peperangan, mahupun menentang kemungkaran dan kezaliman yang dilakukan golongan berkuasa.

Pembelaan para pemimpin kerohanian terhadap Islam sangat jelas di dalam lembaran sejarah. Di antaranya ialah Syeikh Hatim dan gurunya Syeikh Syaqiq. Mereka berdua telah mengambil bahagian dalam jihad di zaman mereka, dan guru beliau telah syahid di medan peperangan.
Ibrahim bin Adham, seorang wali Allah, di dalam manaqibnya ada dijelaskan bahawa beliau sentiasa mengambil bahagian dalam peperangan yang berlaku di zamannya, baik peperangan itu berlaku di darat mahupun di laut. Demikian juga Syeikh Abu Yazid Al-Bistami, beliau bukan sahaja seorang guru mursyid dan pemimpin kerohanian, bahkan merupakan seorang pejuang yang berani memasuki apa jua medan peperangan sehingga beliau sendiri pernah berkata : “Aku telah ditetapkan Allah untuk bersama-sama dengan para mujahidin (di medan peperangan). Aku menetakkan pedang di muka musuh-musuh Allah itu bersama mereka di dalam masa yang lama.”

Dalam hal ini, Syeikhul al-Azhar Dr. Abd Halim Mahmud di dalam sebuah bukunya menegaskan bahawa Syeikh Abu Yazid ketika berada di barisan hadapan, bukan hanya semalaman bersandar di tembok-tembok kubu Islam, tetapi beliau juga terus berzikrullah tanpa putus-putus, sehingga beliau benar-benar menjadi orang Mukmin yang menepati kehendak sabda Rasulullah SAW :
“Dua mata yang tidak akan disentuh oleh api neraka (di akhirat) ialah mata yang menangis kerana takutkan Allah dan mata yang celik sepanjang malam kerana menjaga (musuh) di dalam perang fi sabilillah.”

Uwais Al-Qarni adalah seorang wali Allah dan semulia-mulia tabi’in. Sejarah mencatatkan bahawa beliau telah turut sama mempertahankan Saidina Ali di dalam peperangan Siffin kerana berpendapat golongan yang menentang Saidina Ali adalah salah, dan wajib memerangi mereka sehingga mereka bertaubat dan kembali kepada jalan sebenar. Kemudian ketika tentera Islam berperang dengan tentera Rom, beliau telah sama-sama mencabut pedang dan terjun ke medan perang. Beliau telah syahid akibat mengalami kecederaan di dalam peperangan tersebut.
Dalam peperangan Salib, para ulama tasawuf telah memainkan peranan yang cukup penting sebagaimana yang dinukilkan di dalam Haqaiq ‘an al-Tasawuf :
“Dan di Mesir, di waktu tentera Salib sampai di Dimyat, golongan sufiyyah seperti Syeikh Abu Hasan Asy-Syazili, ‘Izuddin bin Abd Salam dan Abu Fath bin Daqiq al-’Iyd dan ulama-ulama lain telah memberikan khidmat yang sebaik-baiknya untuk menentang tentera Salib.”

Begitu juga dengan Imam Sanusi yang hidup di sekitar tahun 1200 Hijrah. Beliau mengetuai umat Islam menentang penjajahan Itali selama berpuluh-puluh tahun. Syeikh Abd Qadir al-Jazairi juga adalah seorang panglima dan pemimpin agung gerakan menentang penjajahan Peranchis di Algeria. Kita juga mungkin telah membaca sejarah dan menonton tayangan filem mengenai perjuangan Syeikh Umar Mokhtar yang gigih menentang penjajahan Itali di Libya di mana beliau akhirnya syahid di tali gantung.

Di benua India pula, kita menemui tokoh-tokoh perjalanan kerohanian seperti Syeikh Ahmad al-Sirhindi, Syah WaliyuLlah al-Dihlawi dan lain-lain yang sangat berjasa kepada Islam kerana jihad mereka dalam politik dan agama sehingga Syeikh Abu Hassan An-Nadwi menyebutkan pentingnya peranan mereka itu dengan katanya :
“Sesungguhnya saya sentiasa menyatakan bahawa jika tidak kerana wujudnya mereka itu dan jihad mereka, nescaya Islam telah (lenyap) ditelan oleh agama Hindu, tamadunnya dan falsafahnya.”

Di Asia Tenggara dan Kepulauan Melayu, kita akan temui tokoh-tokoh tasawuf yang memainkan peranan penting di dalam politik dan pentadbiran negara. Pada zaman keagungan empayar Islam Acheh pada abad ke-16 dan 17, kita dapat melihat bagaimana peranan yang dimainkan oleh Hamzah Fansuri, Nuruddin al-Raniri, Syeikh Abd Rauf Singkel dan lain-lain lagi.

Sejarah kedatangan Islam di Terengganu, malah di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu juga berkait rapat dengan usaha dakwah golongan Tasawuf. Ia bermula di Kuala Berang yang menjadi pusat tamadun dan kerohanian Islam pertama.

Kira-kira 700 tahun dahulu, penduduk Kuala Berang dipercayai menganut agama Buddha, kemudian Hindu dan akhirnya menerima Islam. Dakwah Islam ini telah dibawa oleh seorang ulama yang sangat berjasa kepada Nusantara ini bernama Syarif Muhammad al-Baghdadi. Beliau merupakan keturunan Saidina Hasan daripada sebelah bapanya dan Saidina Husin daripada sebelah ibunya.

Syarif Muhammad dipercayai telah meninggalkan takhtanya dan kerajaan Baghdad untuk beruzlah di Mekah. Selepas Mekah, Syarif Muhammad menuju ke Hadratulmaut di Yaman dan kemudiannya ke Nusantara iaitu di Hulu Terengganu. Beliau berdakwah menyampaikan Islam kepada masyarakat dan berjihad menjatuhkan kerajaan Seri Wijaya Majapahit.

Setelah berjaya menjatuhkan kerajaan Hindu, beliau telah mendirikan sebuah kerajaan Islam dan seterusnya membina sebuah pusat pemerintahan yang dinamakan “Kota Tamir” yang terletak di kawasan seluas 300 ekar. Ramai di kalangan para pembesar dan raja-raja Hindu yang memeluk Islam dan menjadi pengikut yang kuat. Pemerintahan dan perjuangan Baginda Syarif Muhammad diteruskan pula oleh keturunannya yang bernama Syarif Abdul Qahar bin Syarif Muhammad (Tok Paloh), kemudian diamanahkan kepada cucunya Syarif Abdullah bin Syarif Qahar (Tok Pauh) dan seterusnya kepada cicitnya Syarif Abdul Malik yang juga disebut Syeikh Abdul Malik atau Tok Pulau Manis. Kesemuanya adalah wali Allah dan dimuliakan Allah dengan diberikan pelbagai karamah.

Tok Pulau Manis kemudiannya menubuhkan pula ‘Kota Pulau Manis’ dan mendirikan institusi pendidikan agama yang tertua dan terbesar di Tanah Melayu ketika itu. Beliau telah mengambil jalan wara’ dengan menyerahkan pemerintahan kerajaannya kepada menantunya iaitu Tun Jenal yang berkahwin dengan anaknya Siti Zubaidah. Tun Jenal ditabalkan sebagai raja di Tanjung Baru, Hulu Terengganu dan bergelar Sultan Zainal Abidin 1.

Seorang lagi ulama tasawuf Terengganu ialah Tokku Paloh, seorang guru mursyid Tariqat Naqsyabandiah yang banyak berjasa terhadap kerajaan Terengganu dan rakyat jelata di dalam usaha menentang kerajaan British.

Salah satu peristiwa yang masyhur ialah ketika pihak Inggeris mahu berunding dengan Raja Melayu mengenai satu tempat bernama Bukit Besar yang ingin mereka miliki. Raja atau Sultan Terengganu pada ketika itu ialah Sultan Zainal Abidin III dan regu baginda ialah Tokku Paloh. Bila Inggeris bertemu baginda dan menyatakan hasrat mereka, lantas Sultan bertitah, “Negeri ini ada tuannya, hendaklah berunding dengannya terlebih dahulu.” Maksud baginda ialah Tokku Paloh.

Pihak Inggeris pun bertemu dengan Tokku Paloh dan berunding mengenai hal itu. Tokku Paloh mengatakan bahawa mereka boleh ‘mengambil’ Bukit Besar dengan syarat bukit itu dibawa balik ke negeri mereka, punggahlah tanahnya ke dalam kapal. Pihak Inggeris amat marah lalu bangun untuk meninggalkan majlis tersebut. Tapi dengan izin Allah dan karamah Tokku Paloh, kerusi yang diduduki pihak Inggeris melekat pada punggung mereka. Lalu Tokku Paloh menyindir, “Bukan Bukit Besar sahaja yang kamu mahu ambil, tapi kerusi kamipun kamu mahu ambil juga”. Pergilah pihak Inggeris dengan penuh rasa malu.

Kemudian, mereka mahu berunding buat kali kedua tapi ia mestilah diadakan di atas kapal mereka yang besar itu. Bila diajukan jemputan kepada Tokku Paloh, beliau mengatakan kapal besar tak mampu bertahan kalau ia naik. Pihak Inggeris ketawa mendengar kata-kata Tokku Paloh itu. Namun dengan izin Allah dan karamahnya, setiap kali Tokku Paloh menyengetkan serbannya ke kanan atau ke kiri, maka kapal yangbesar itu turut senget mengikut perbuatan Tokku Paloh. Hal itu menimbulkan perasaan cemas di pihak Inggeris sehingga rundingan dibatalkan serta merta.

Begitu juga dengan murid Tokku Paloh, Haji Abd. Rahman Limbong yang telah memainkan peranan penting dalam kebangkitan tahun 1921-1928 Masihi di Terengganu dalam mempertahankan Islam dari anasir penjajahan.
Selain itu, sejarah juga mencatatkan peranan besar yang di

mainkan oleh Wali Songo (Wali Sembilan) di Pulau Jawa. Dengan usaha gigih yang dilakukan, dengan sokongan rakyat jelata, mereka berjaya menubuhkan pemerintahan Islam, menewaskan kekuasaan Hindu, mendirikan masjid, pesantren (pondok), mewujudkan keamanan dan ketenteraman dalam kehidupan masyarakat.

Sejarah Islamnya Kerajaan Pattani juga melibatkan ahli Tasawuf dengan kaedah menarik. Menurut ceritanya, tiga orang ulama sufi yang merupakan sahabat karib telah menjalankan dakwah di Patani. Mereka ialah Syeikh Shafiyuddin, Syeikh Sa’id Barsisa dan Syeikh Gombak Abdul Mubin. Sebaik tiba di Patani, mereka bertiga telah membuat pondok kecil di satu tempat bernama Kerisik. Di situ, mereka mengumpul maklumat, membuat kajian mengenai suasana dan budaya setempat serta memikirkan strategi dakwah yang sesuai kerana di masa itu Patani diperintah oleh raja yang beragama Budha.

Syeikh Shafiyuddin amat kuat beribadah, berkhalwat dan berzikir memohon pertolongan Allah dalam dakwahnya. Manakala kedua sahabatnya keluar meninjau dan mendapatkan maklumat-maklumat baru. Suatu hari, tersebarlah berita bahawa Maharaja Antira iaitu pemerintah Patani mengalami penyakit yang berat. Maka sesiapa yang dapat merawatnya akan diberi upah yang besar. Sebelum ini telah ramai bomoh yang mengubati beliau, namun tidak juga sembuh-sembuh. Apabila pegawai raja sampai ke tempat Syeikh-Syeikh ini, salah seorang dari mereka menyapa dan memberitahu bahawa terdapat seorang dukun yang sangat sakti yang mampu menyembuhkan maharaja itu. Dukun yang dimaksudkan itu sebenarnya ialah Syeikh Shafiyuddin sendiri.

Keesokan harinya, ketiga-tiga orang Syeikh itu dijemput ke istana untuk mengubati raja. Sebelum upacara pengubatan dilakukan, terjadi perjanjian dimana jika raja sembuh hasil pengubatan Syeikh Shafiyuddin, maka raja mestilah menukar agama dari Budha kepada Islam. Syarat itu dipersetujui raja. Kemudian, Syeikh mula membacakan doa-doa dan ayat-ayat al-Quran.

Dengan izin Allah, tiga hari selepas itu raja pun sembuh dari penyakitnya. Tapi raja engkar dengan janjinya untuk memeluk Islam. Dengan karamah Syeikh Shafiyuddin, penyakit raja berulang semula. Maka diubati lagi seperti janji yang pertama, dan sembuh kembali. Raja mungkir lagi, tiba-tiba penyakitnya datang kembali. Diubati lagi dan sembuh semula. Akhirnya raja Budha itu pun memeluk Islam dan diikuti oleh ramai rakyatnya. Sejak itu, ketiga-tiga Wali Allah tadi mendapat tempat kedudukan yang tinggi di Kerajaan Patani.

Selain itu terdapat tokoh-tokoh lain yang juga berperanan besar dalam menegakkan Islam di Nusantara seperti Syeikh Abd Samad al-Falimbani, Syeikh Daud al-Fatani, Ismail Minangkabau, Muhamad Salleh al-Zawawi, Arshad Banjari dan banyak lagi.

Di samping itu, yang sudah termasyhur ialah seperti Imam Al-Ghazali, Syeikh Abd Qadir Jailani, Imam Hassan Al-Banna dan lain-lain. Mengenai hal ini, Al-Maududi berkata :
“Sesungguhnya mereka (ahli tasawuf) mempunyai jasa yang besar dalam penyebaran Islam di daerah-daerah yang jauh terpencil yang belum ditakluki oleh tentera-tentera Islam atau yang belum dapat ditundukkan di bawah hukum Islam. Di tangan mereka itulah, Islam tersebar di Afrika, Indonesia, pulau-pulau di Lautan Hindi, China dan India.”

Abu Hasan Ali an-Nadwi pula menukilkan mengenai dakwah Syeikh Abd Qadir al-Jailani dengan katanya :
“Kira-kira 70,000 orang telah menghadiri majlis (ta’limnya). Lebih 5,000 orang Yahudi dan Nasrani telah memeluk Islam menerusi usahanya. Lebih 100,000 orang-orang jahat dan perompak atau pencuri bersenjata yang telah bertaubat menerusi usahanya. Beliau telah membuka pintu taubat dan bai’ah seluas-luasnya, maka orang ramai yang tidak diketahui bilangan mereka itu kecuali Allah sahaja, telah masuk ke dalamnya. Sehingga akhlak mereka menjadi baik dan demikian juga keIslaman mereka itu.”

Demikianlah beberapa contoh mengenai peranan golongan tasawuf, wali-wali Allah dan pengikut perjalanan kerohanian di dalam amal dakwah dan jihad. Jelaslah bahawa golongan tasawuf bukanlah mereka yang hanya berzikir dan beramal semata-mata, malah berada di barisan hadapan dalam memperjuang dan mempertahankan Islam. Bagi setengah golongan yang meninggalkan amal-amal seperti ini, bermakna mereka telah meninggalkan sunnah Nabi SAW dan perjalanan para sahabat (radiaLahu ‘anhum).
Wallahu ‘alam.

Petikan buku : Sufi Mujahid

The Ottoman Empire and Sufism

The Ottoman Empire and Sufism

The Ottoman Empire and Sufism
During the seven centuries of its existence the Ottoman State developed a strong, yet distinctive, relationship with Islam. In the service of the state, Islam was a popular political medium that was enormously influential and authoritative among the empire’s Muslim population. In order to justify the use of Islam as a channel for political stability, the empire took great efforts to preserve the religious administration, the class of ulema (which was granted enormous authority), in order that it could serve the wellbeing and stability of the state.
At the same time, other groups within the empire developed interpretations of Islam that were often independent and at odds with state-sanctioned dogma. These were the spiritual fraternities, or tarikats. In contrast to the ulema, the tarikats were theoretically independent of the state, and on the whole they represented diverse social and occasionally political segments of the Ottoman population. Nevertheless it would be a mistake to consider the tarikats and the ulema as incessantly conflicting forces, since membership in both regularly overlapped. Most of the Sufi orders during this period of Ottoman history were clearly orthodox in outlook, namely the Naqshibandis, conformist Melami-Bayramis, Qadiris, Rifa’is and the very influential Khalwatis. Like the ulema class, the power and influence of the tarikats was widespread within the Ottoman Empire. Yet tarikat association encompassed individuals from all social, economic, and political spheres, ranging from the lowest peasant to the palace, whereas members of the ulema tended to be drawn from particular sections of society.

As mentioned above the majority of Ottoman tarikats were supporters of the existing order, including the ulema establishment and its official dogma that was upheld by the state. Nonetheless, there were a number of tarikats whose affiliates espoused radical interpretations of Islam, and who would often turn out to be embittered opponents of the ulema class and, by extension, the state. The central administration spent a great amount of effort to control or eradicate these groups, and at times went as far as executing their leaders. The Ottoman State, which used Sunni Islam to legitimize its power, could hardly tolerate nonconformist departures from official dogma.
In essence the difference between the so-called orthodox and heterodox tarikats lay in their doctrines. While most tarikats (even normative ones) approved of the concept of vahdet-i vucud in one form or another, and had often visibly Shi’i propensities, heterodox groups were generally charged with taking these two concepts to extremes. The notion of pantheism (an immoderate reading of the widely acknowledged notion of vahdet-i vucud) that developed in heterodox Sufi movements also merged with the notions that these groups ascribed to their şeyhs, their spiritual guides.
Before the 13th century Sufis were seen more or less as religious teachers or exemplary ascetics rather than divine intermediaries and wonderworkers. But as the tarikats developed more defined hierarchical structures in the wake of the Mongol invasions, the position of the şeyh (the spiritual master and guide) was advanced to that of a holy man, one who exerted spiritual command as a mediator between man and God, and who possessed Divine grace (keramet). Despite their seemingly otherworldly concerns, the beliefs of these Sufis did on occasion have serious political repercussions. If a certain şeyh was able to amass a considerable following of loyal followers, and if that şeyh’s followers believed that he was indeed the kutb (axis) of the universe, then the status of the Ottoman sultan (or any other secular ruler for that matter) would be in question. The kutb was seen as being the real sovereign of both spiritual and material worlds bestowed with the ability to transform social unrest into revolutionary action.
A şeyh’s spiritual magnetism allowed him to form a single, united movement from very diverse elements and backgrounds. When these tarikat or quasi-tarikat groups crossed the fine line between the spiritual and political realms, the Ottoman state intervened, frightful of the appeal of these movements which often combined assertive messianic themes with programs of social and political reorganization. Many of the early movements (like the Kızılbaş, Celalis and Bedrettinists) presented a significant threat to Ottoman power, especially when they found support from rebellious princes or in neighboring Safavid Persia. One of these movements that were consciously blurring the lines between spiritual and political domains was the Bayrami-Melami tarikat.

Contemporary Muslims Are in Need of Spirituality

Contemporary Muslims Are in Need of Spirituality


Contemporary Muslims Are in Need of Spirituality

By Tariq Ramadan
Swiss Muslim Thinker

Monday, 27 February 2012 
There is a need to rediscover and reclaim the spirituality that lies at the heart of the Islamic tradition
As far as Islam is concerned, it must be noted that Arab and Muslim majority societies are seriously lacking in spirituality.
There is not a deficit of “religion” but of spiritual life. It can be encountered among Islamists, as well as among secularists and ordinary citizens.
Religion refers to the framework, to the structure of ritual, to the rights and obligations of believers and, as such, lies at the heart of social and political debate.
In the classical Islamic tradition, framework, reference and practices can — like all religions and spiritual traditions — be best seen in the light of their relation to meaning (here, to the Divine), to a conception of life and death, to the life of the heart and mind.
Contemporary Islamic discourse has, however, too often lost its substance, which is that of meaning, of understanding ultimate goals and the state of the heart. Increasingly, it has been reduced to reactivity, preoccupied with the moral protection of the faithful, based on the reiteration of norms, rituals and, above all, prohibitions. But spirituality is not faith without religion; it is the quest for meaning and peace of heart as the essence of religion. Viewed in this light, Muslim majority societies are profoundly bereft of serenity, coherence and peace. The time has come for a spiritual and religious emancipation.

Caught up in political resistance, Islamist movements have gradually focused their attention on questions of a formal nature, setting aside the spiritual core of religious practice. Between the rhetoric of traditional religious authorities and institutions, and that of the Islamists, whether narrowly rigorous in outlook or hypnotized by political liberation, ordinary citizens are offered few answers to their spiritual pursuit of meaning, faith, the heart and peace.
The decline of Islamic civilization, followed by colonialism, has left its mark, as has the experience of political and cultural resistance. The way in which religion, and the Islamic reference, are understood was gradually adapted to the requirements of resistance: for both traditional Muslim scholars (ulama) and Islamist movements (which often began with mystical aspirations) moral norms, rules pertaining to food, dress and strict observance of ritual have come increasingly to the fore as means of self-assertion, in direct proportion to the danger of cultural colonialism and alienation perceived and experienced in Arab societies.
Sufi Movements
they sometimes voice passive or explicit support for ruling regimes, even dictatorships
A yawning void has opened up; mystical (Sufi) movements have re-emerged, some of them respectful of norms, some fraudulent, in what is often an approximate answer to popular aspirations. The Sufi movements or circles are diverse, and often provide a kind of exile from worldly affairs, in contrast to ritualistic traditionalism or to Islamist activism. Focus upon yourself, they urge; upon your heart and inner peace; stay far away from pointless social and political controversy.
A specific feature of mystical circles is that they bring together — though in physically separate groups — educated elites in quest of meaning as well as ordinary citizens, including the poorest, who feel a need for reassurance that verges on superstition. Their teachings are, more often than not, general and idealistic, far removed from the complexities of reality; politically, they sometimes voice passive or explicit support for ruling regimes, even dictatorships.Furthermore, a substantial number of Sufi circles yield to the double temptation of the cult of the personality of the sheikh or guide (murshid) and the infantilisation of the initiates (murid): the latter may be highly educated, hold high rank in the social hierarchy, yet at the same time place their hearts, minds and even their lives in the hands of a guide who, it is claimed, represents the ultimate path to fulfillment.
This culture of disempowerment strangely echoes the fashions of the day: a combination of withdrawal from the world and living in a kind of existential confusion between emotional outpouring (the spectacle of effusiveness towards and reverence for Sufi elders can be disturbing, disquieting and dangerous) and a demanding spiritual initiation. Such initiation should be liberating, open the door to autonomy through mastery of the ego and lead to coherence between the private and public life. But what emerge instead are parallel lives: a so-called Sufi spirituality allied to egocentric, greedy, self-interested and occasionally immoral social and political behavior. Arab elites and middle classes find such behavior to their advantage, as do socially fragile sectors of the population.
Between the overbearing ritualism of official religious institutions and the obsessive politicization of Islamist leaders the thirst for meaning, which finds its expression in cultural and religious references, seeks for ways to express itself. Mysticism sometimes provides the solution. But careful thought should be given to the real-life impact of such phenomena as they relate to the crisis of spirituality and therefore of religion. In every case, the teachings propounded do not encourage the autonomy, well-being and confidence of human beings in their everyday individual and social lives. In their formalism and concentration upon norms, the traditional institutions that represent or teach Islam reproduce a double culture of prohibition and guilt.
there can be no viable democracy, no pluralism in any society without the well-being of individuals, the citizens and the religious communities
The religious reference is transformed into a mirror in which the believers are called upon to judge themselves for their own deficiencies: such rhetoric can generate nothing more than unease. The Islamist approach, which seeks to free society from foreign influence, has in the long run brought forth a culture of reaction, differentiation and frequently of judgment: who is a Muslim, what is Islamic legitimacy, etc. It sometimes casts itself as victim; even in the way it asserts itself against the opposition. Social and political activism prevails over spiritual considerations; the struggle for power has sometimes eclipsed the quest for meaning.
By way of response to this void, the majority of mystical movements and circles have called upon their initiates to direct their attention inwards, towards themselves, their hearts, their worship and their inner peace. Around them has arisen a culture of isolation, social and political passivity and loss of responsibility, as though spirituality were somehow necessarily opposed to action.
Still, it must be noted that a large number of Sufi circles do speak out on social and political issues, and actually encourage their followers to speak out on social and political matters, and to become actively involved in society. Between the culture of prohibition and guilt and that of reaction and victimization, between abandonment of responsibility and isolationism, what options remain for the Arab world to reconcile itself to its cultural, religious and spiritual heritage? What must be done to propound a culture of well-being, autonomy and responsibility?
There is a need to rediscover and reclaim spirituality that permeates Eastern cultures, and that lies at the heart of the Jewish, Christian and Islamic traditions, a consideration that today's social and political uprisings can ill afford to neglect. For there can be no viable democracy, no pluralism in any society without the well-being of individuals, the citizens and the religious communities.
As far as Islam is concerned, it must be noted that Arab and Muslim majority societies are seriously lacking in spirituality. There is not a deficit of “religion” but of spiritual life. It can be encountered among Islamists, as well as among secularists and ordinary citizens. Religion refers to the framework, to the structure of ritual, to the rights and obligations of believers and, as such, lies at the heart of social and political debate. In the classical Islamic tradition, framework, reference and practices can — like all religions and spiritual traditions — be best seen in the light of their relation to meaning (here, to the Divine), to a conception of life and death, to the life of the heart and mind. Contemporary Islamic discourse has, however, too often lost its substance, which is that of meaning, of understanding ultimate goals and the state of the heart. Increasingly, it has been reduced to reactivity, preoccupied with the moral protection of the faithful, based on the reiteration of norms, rituals and, above all, prohibitions. But spirituality is not faith without religion; it is the quest for meaning and peace of heart as the essence of religion. Viewed in this light, Muslim majority societies are profoundly bereft of serenity, coherence and peace. The time has come for a spiritual and religious emancipation.
The decline of Islamic
civilisation

civilization
, followed by colonialism, has left its mark, as has the experience of political and cultural resistance. The way in which religion, and the Islamic reference, are understood was gradually adapted to the requirements of resistance: for both traditional Muslim scholars (ulama) and Islamist movements (which often began with mystical aspirations) moral norms, rules pertaining to food, dress and strict observance of ritual have come increasingly to the fore as means of self-assertion, in direct proportion to the danger of cultural colonialism and alienation perceived and experienced in Arab societies. Caught up in political resistance, Islamist movements have gradually focused their attention on questions of a formal nature, setting aside the spiritual core of religious practice. Between the rhetoric of traditional religious authorities and institutions, and that of the Islamists, whether narrowly rigorous in outlook or hypnotized by political liberation, ordinary citizens are offered few answers to their spiritual pursuit of meaning, faith, the heart and peace.
A yawning void has opened up; mystical (Sufi) movements have re-emerged, some of them respectful of norms, some fraudulent, in what is often an approximate answer to popular aspirations. The Sufi movements or circles are diverse, and often provide a kind of exile from worldly affairs, in contrast to ritualistic traditionalism or to Islamist activism. Focus upon yourself, they urge; upon your heart and inner peace; stay far away from pointless social and political controversy. A specific feature of mystical circles is that they bring together — though in physically separate groups — educated elites in quest of meaning as well as ordinary citizens, including the poorest, who feel a need for reassurance that verges on superstition. Their teachings are, more often than not, general and idealistic, far removed from the complexities of reality; politically, they sometimes voice passive or explicit support for ruling regimes, even dictatorships.
Furthermore, a substantial number of Sufi circles yield to the double temptation of the cult of the personality of the
shaikh

sh
eikhor guide (murshid) and the infantilisation of the initiates (murîdmurid): the latter may be highly educated, hold high rank in the social hierarchy, yet at the same time place their hearts, minds and even their lives in the hands of a guide who, it is claimed, represents the ultimate path to fulfillment. This culture of disempowerment strangely echoes the fashions of the day: a combination of withdrawal from the world and living in a kind of existential confusion between emotional outpouring (the spectacle of effusiveness towards and reverence for Sufi elders can be disturbing, disquieting and dangerous) and a demanding spiritual initiation. Such initiation should be liberating, open the door to autonomy through mastery of the ego and lead to coherence between the private and public life. But what emerge instead are parallel lives: a so-called Sufi spirituality allied to egocentric, greedy, self-interested and occasionally immoral social and political behavior. Arab elites and middle classes find such behavior to their advantage, as do socially fragile sectors of the population.
Between the overbearing ritualism of official religious institutions and the obsessive
politicisation

politicization
of Islamist leaders the thirst for meaning, which finds its expression in cultural and religious references, seeks for ways to express itself. Mysticism sometimes provides the solution. But careful thought should be given to the real-life impact of such phenomena as they relate to the crisis of spirituality and therefore of religion. In every case, the teachings propounded do not encourage the autonomy, well-being and confidence of human beings in their everyday individual and social lives. In their formalism and concentration upon norms, the traditional institutions that represent or teach Islam reproduce a double culture of prohibition and guilt. The religious reference is transformed into a mirror in which the believers are called upon to judge themselves for their own deficiencies: such rhetoric can generate nothing more than unease. The Islamist approach, which seeks to free society from foreign influence, has in the long run brought forth a culture of reaction, differentiation and frequently of judgment: who is a Muslim, what is Islamic legitimacy, etc. It sometimes casts itself as victim; even in the way it asserts itself against the opposition. Social and political activism prevails over spiritual considerations; the struggle for power has sometimes eclipsed the quest for meaning.
By way of response to this void, the majority of mystical movements and circles have called upon their initiates to direct their attention inwards, towards themselves, their hearts, their worship and their inner peace. Around them has arisen a culture of isolation, social and political passivity and loss of responsibility, as though spirituality were somehow necessarily opposed to action. Still, it must be noted that a large number of Sufi circles do speak out on social and political issues, and actually encourage their followers to speak out on social and political matters, and to become actively involved in society. Between the culture of prohibition and guilt and that of reaction and
victimisation

victimization
, between abandonment of responsibility and isolationism, what options remain for the Arab world to reconcile itself to its cultural, religious and spiritual heritage? What must be done to propound a culture of well-being, autonomy and responsibility?
There is a need to rediscover and reclaim the spirituality that permeates Eastern cultures, and that lies at the heart of the Jewish, Christian and Islamic traditions, a consideration that today’s social and political uprisings can ill afford to neglect. For there can be no viable democracy, no pluralism in any society without the well-being of individuals, the citizens and the religious communities.
Source: Dr. Tariq Ramadan's web site: http://www.tariqramadan.com
Through his writings and lectures he has contributed substantially to the debate on contemporary Islamic issues, Islamic revival in the world and Muslims in the West. He is active both at the academic and grassroots levels lecturing extensively throughout the world on theology, Islamic law and jurisprudence, applied ethics, philosophy, social justice, economy, politics, interfaith and intracommunity dialogue. Professor Tariq Ramadan is currently President of the European think tank: European Muslim Network (EMN) in Brussels